on money and the fed

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Caravan

John Hussman has a nice piece on the recent testimony of Ben Bernanke and the Fed’s moves over the last couple years. It’s important to understand what’s happened here. Just as important, we need to understand most of the mortgage drek wasn’t put on the Fed’s books, but transferred to Fannie and Freddie. There’s too much garbage money out there and it needs to be dealt with, bondholders of garbage need to take a haircut. How much? Well let’s start with what the administration did with GM workers — 50%.

The nut of Hussman’s piece:

Last week, Ben Bernanke appeared before Congress for his regular Humphrey-Hawkins testimony. For most of that testimony, it fascinated me that every time the Bernanke said that the Fed has taken no losses on its operations, there was absolutely no remark that the reason the Fed has not lost money is that the Treasury, directly (Fannie, Freddie) or indirectly (AIG) has made the liabilities held by the Fed whole.

From that perspective, the critical part of Bernanke’s testimony was the following exchange with New Jersey Congressman Scott Garrett of the House Financial Services Committee. Importantly, Bernanke concedes that by placing two-thirds of its balance sheet into the liabilities of insolvent agencies (Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac), now under conservatorship, the Fed is essentially relying on Congress to make these institutions whole at taxpayer expense. The Fed has put the public on the hook to bail out the GSEs.

SCOTT GARRETT: You bought over a trillion dollars of GSE debt, and to that point, under normal circumstances, on the Fed’s balance sheet what you have on there are Treasuries, or if you had anything else on there, I assume you would have a repurchase agreement for those securities on your balance sheet. Now of course around two-thirds of that are in GSE debt.

BEN BERNANKE: Correct.

GARRETT: So right now, those are guaranteed – whether they’re sovereign debt or not, we don’t know – but they’re guaranteed by the U.S. government. But they’re only guaranteed to when? 2012, right? After that, Congress may in its wisdom make another decision, and at that point in time, you may be holding on your balance sheet – two thirds of your balance sheet – something that is not guaranteed by the Federal government. First of all, you don’t have a … do you have a repurchase agreement on those with anyone? No.

BERNANKE: I don’t know what you mean by a repurchase agreement. We own those securities.

GARRETT: You own those securities. Right. So there is no repurchase agreement outside to buy them back. You own them.

BERNANKE: Right.

GARRETT: So after 2012, if they’re no longer guaranteed, is it fair to say that you may at that point in time actually engage in fiscal policy, because you basically are creating money at that time? And I know that you’d agree that it would be an unconstitutional role for the Fed to engage in fiscal policy – so where will you be at 2012 if they had to take a haircut on those because they’re no longer guaranteed?

BERNANKE: Well, first from the government’s perspective, I, uh, such an act would, uh, there would, the Federal Reserve would lose money which the Treasury would gain. There would be no overall change to the position of the U.S. government. Secondly, the Federal Reserve act explicitly gives..

GARRETT: How would we be gaining? How is the Treasury gaining?

BERNANKE: Well, if there’s a bad mortgage and the Treasury.. it requires $10 to make it good, if the Treasury refuses to do that then the Fed loses $10, so one way or another the government’s going to lose $10. But I would just say two things, one is that I think, uh…

GARRETT: But if you didn’t purchase them in the first place, it would just be a total – then what would have occurred? There would not have been the creation of that $10. Now that you’ve purchased them, and in essence if we don’t back them up, then you will have created that additional $10.

BERNANKE: Well, I hope that doesn’t happen, because I think it’s very important for financial stability and confidence that we, that we guarantee…

GARRETT: Let’s play out that hypothetical that it does happen.

BERNANKE: Well, then the Fed would lose money there. But let me just point out that the Federal Reserve Act, that we did not invoke any emergency or unusual powers to buy those agencies. It is explicitly in the Federal Reserve Act that we can buy Treasuries or agency securities and so we did not do anything unusual there.

GARRETT: In what status were they when you bought them? Were they in conservatorship at that point?

BERNANKE: Um, yes.

GARRETT: Is it normal practice for the Fed to buy agency securities when they’re in conservatorship? Was that ever done before?

BERNANKE: It’s never been in conservatorship before.

GARRETT: Well, there you go. So the normal practice is not what was followed here. It just seems to me that we may have gone down a different road than we’ve ever gone down in U.S. history, where the Federal Reserve has engaged in buying a security, it’s not Treasury, it’s not guaranteed by the full faith and credit of the United States for its lifetime, nor is there any repurchase agreement from any other entity that you purchased – that you have a trade with an agreement with – and that the Fed in essence could have created money if the government does not guarantee them. At least, that could be the situation we could find ourselves in 2012.

It’s important to understand that historically, the Fed has never actually “created money” out of thin air. What it has always done is purchase Treasury debt, paying for that debt by creating “Federal Reserve Notes” (see the top of your dollar bill). When it has purchased other types of securities, it has historically done so using “repurchase agreements.” These enable the Fed to sell those securities back at a known price, even if the security itself was to default. By restricting the vast majority of its purchases to U.S. Treasury securities, the Fed has always operated under a budget constraint: Congress has always had the sole, Constitutionally enumerated power to authorize the spending that creates government liabilities, and the Fed has merely affected whether those liabilities were held by the public in the form of Treasury debt or in the form of Federal Reserve Notes (money).

For example, if Congress votes on a billion dollars of spending, and the Treasury issues debt to finance this spending, the Fed might buy that billion dollars of Treasury debt and create a billion dollars of currency to pay for it. But notice that from the standpoint of the public, the end result is still a billion dollars of government liabilities, that was explicitly authorized by Congress. The Fed was never involved in spending decisions, which is fiscal policy.

Contrast this with what the Fed has done in this instance. It has taken its balance sheet up from about $800 billion two years ago (almost exclusively in Treasury securities) to over $2 trillion today, mostly in Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac liabilities. The government’s backing of Fannie and Freddie debt was always implicit – they do not have the full faith and credit of the U.S. for their full maturity. If Congress chooses to restructure that debt after 2012, the Federal Reserve will have created money without an offsetting asset of equal value on its balance sheet. It will have spent money out of thin air to pay off the holders of Fannie and Freddie securities. This would constitute a fiscal policy decision that was not actually voted on by elected representatives in Congress.

Cross-posted from Archein: on money and the fed

 

By Ruth Robertson, ANWF Organizer

A New Way Forward launched call-in days last week to do two things – push for structural reforms that address root causes of the crisis and dig out the backroom information that, when hidden in the dark, work all too well to kill good reforms. The call-in days are ongoing (report back here) through the last leg of passing HR 4173, the financial reform bill. Unfortunately, it seems many Congressional offices don’t understand that taxpayers make their jobs possible and deserve a cooperative environment, rather than one where getting hung up on, snapped at, and unanswered is common. Members of A New Way Forward took to their phones and called elected officials in the 202 area code en masse.


It has been great to see into the political process through Congressional offices — by getting staffers on the phone and connecting with them, the process of passing the financial reform bill has felt more transparent and responsive to the American public. That’s a good thing. Thus, it makes us wonder why any part of congress thinks that they can hang up on people, create an unfriendly environment for citizen calls, send them to a voice machine, just not answer the phone, misunderstand that conferees are working  on behalf of all voters through HR 4173, not just their constituents, when the calls start coming in. These staffers are a part of the political process and are paid for by taxpayer dollars. Because of the lack of the ability for there to be greater public participation in the political process, staffers over the years have not learned their role as servants of the public.

Over the phone lines, ANWF activists told politicians that we are keeping our eyes peeled for back room deals that could hinder critical financial reforms.  By asking key questions about their positions on three of the most important reforms, ANWF members made it clear that any tomfoolery leading to weakened reform initiatives is unacceptable; strong reform is essential to addressing the problem of bailouts and the economic crisis.

Last week, our targets were Sens. Dodd, Lincoln, Gregg, Johnson, Reed, Schumer, Corker and Reps. Frank and Kanjorski, among other conferees throughout the week. Because of a letter sent by New Democrats to kill strong bank reforms, on Thursday, we targeted some of the U.S. Congress members on the New Democrat caucus – Representatives Gary Peters (D-MI),  Gregory Meeks (D-NY), Luis Gutierrez (D-IL) and Dennis Moore (D-KS), Chairman of the Financial Services Subcommittee on Oversight & Investigations.

How did these and other elected officials respond to inquiries from concerned citizens?  The usual shenanigans: their staffers ducked our calls, gave evasive answers, refused to speak to callers outright, and even hung up on one of our callers!

The good news in all of this is that insiders tell us Representative Gutierrez’ office is backtracking now and saying they are NOT against Section 716 of the Senate bill, which calls for a ban on FDIC assistance to bank swaps. Instead, Rep. Gutierrez is working for a pre-fund that banks pay into before a crisis happens. We are happy to report that one of his staffers handled our inquiries in a polite and professional manner, compared to the rude treatment callers received from staffers in some other politicians’ offices.

Congratulations to Mr. Gutierrez’ staff for being the best of the bunch, which may not be saying much! Some of the other responses our dedicated and hard-working volunteers heard left us scratching our heads. Negligent staffer responses make elected politicians seem careless with taxpayer money.

REFUSED TO GIVE US THEIR NAME

A staffer identifying himself as Mason replied to one of our calls to Representative Moore, saying the Congressman hadn’t decided his position on any of the reforms, and asked if our caller is a constituent.  Another of Moore’s staffers told me that he is “just Jack“, and refused to give his last name!

CALL YOUR OWN OFFICE

Mason’s response was a pretty typical one to our phone calls, even when we explained that this issue goes beyond local representation. Taking the opportunity to educate some staffers, ANWF member Angela said, “the spectacle of Democrats capitulating to bankers is very shocking to rank and file voters and that this will affect the willingness of Democrats to volunteer, contribute and vote for Democrats in the fall, nationwide”. Great comeback, Angela!  We hate it when they they pull this constituent-only stuff–as if the bill will only affect their own constituents!

When I called Representative Peters’ office and introduced myself as an activist with A New Way Forward, the staffer on the other end of the line responded with anger. She said indignantly, “We have already received two calls from A New Way Forward!” I assured her that we are a grassroots organization of individual citizens very concerned about the economic health of our nation, but she insisted they should not have to answer more than once to the group. Wrong response.

Some of the responses our callers got in their attempts to reach elected leaders were odd. A staffer answering the phone at freshman Congresswoman Mary Jo Kilroy’s office said more than once that callers from outside of central Ohio should call their “personal office“. We don’t believe “personal offices” are appropriate when it comes to the whole financial reform bill.

ANSWERING MACHINES

ANWF callers reported that many staffers seemed to prefer “sending people to machines“, using voicemail technology to avoid responding altogether.

BE EVASIVE OR RUDE

Other aides sounded utterly bored or indifferent at best.  On multiple occasions, staffers pushed aside caller concerns, telling them that they could not answer as “the conference is still ongoing”.

A New Way Forward caller Peter reported that a staffer at the office of Senator Judd Gregg (R-NH) got quite defensive until Peter supported his position with extensive knowledge of this issue.  Peter felt that the senator’s office “may be feeling quite a bit of heat“.  Put their feet to the fire, that’s our credo, Peter!

DON’T ANSWER THE PHONES

Senator Charles Schumer’s (D-NY) office was “most pleasant“–when callers were able to get through, and receptive but most callers to his office found that they could not connect.  Helen and several others stayed on the line after being placed on hold by an automated voice message system, waiting for five or more minutes listening to the phone ring repeatedly only to get cut off to a buzz tone.

Lars said that is a “pretty unfortunate way to treat the public, whether by design or not: after 6 minutes of waiting on hold and hearing 2 different recorded messages from Schumer himself (which at least is an attempt to show interest in what callers have to say), I got several rings and then was disconnected.”

Hopefully, Senator Schumer will get that problem fixed soon. That’s not a good way to deal with citizens, Mr. Schumer!

HANG UP

And who’s office was it that hung up on a shocked ANWF member?  None other than the office of Senator Jack Reed (D-RI)!

A New Way Forward’s message to our elected officials: Your staff is your public face, and if you try to blow us off as a staffer at Mary Jo Kilroy’s office did in one case,  or politely thank us for our comments as a staffer of Representative Peters’ office did, , it all makes a difference.

If politicians are surprised about this kind of activism and they don’t think we take serious note of their public face, they should know that we will call them out on their shenanigans, whether they are happening in the back rooms of Congress or in their front offices.

 

OUR CALL-IN DAYS ARE OUR LAST HOPE FOR “NO BAILOUTS REFORMS”

LATEST UPDATES: Tell us how your call went in the report back section right here, or scroll down below. We have had so many calls and so many reports back, it’s really great to watch the staffers start to get it and know we’re around. This week, our targets are Sen. Johnson, Rep. Frank, Sen. Corker, and Sen. Reed. TPM reports on the four New Dems weakening measures behind closed-doors, can you call them and report back?: Rep. Luis Gutierrez (D-IL), (202) 225-8203; Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-NY), 202-225-3461; Rep. Mel Watt (D-NC), 202-225-1510; Rep. Dennis Moore, Chair (D-KS), (202)225-2865. Rep. Frank has tried to gut provisions to reform credit rating agencies, showing where he is going with the bill… The Senate agreed to expand auditing of the Fed – 1 BIG WIN SO FAR. Our #2 reform discussed now, seems like a win.. Thank you for making the calls! (Follow on @wayfwd, FaceBook, riski)

We’re going to make sure there are no backroom deals that effectively gut the best reforms currently in the bill — we’ve launched “Call-in Days for the Big 3 No Bailouts Reforms” to put every decision maker in the spotlight for gutting or keeping the Big 3. We have 14 days until June 24 to influence the financial reform bill to be something worth passing. So, yesterday on Tuesday, today on Wednesday (6/16), and tomorrow on Thursday (6/17), please help us get enough people so it’s like we’re walking right into the backroom with them and slapping their hands if they do something bad. We’ll update our list on the slimiest and worst on financial reform. Full list below.

Sign up for a day that works for you — you just need a 5 minute chunk of time free — and we’ll make your call effortless. If you’ve already signed up and when you finish your call, add what you find out in the report back section here. As soon as we hear back from you, we’ll update who is acting the sleaziest (you can also report back at #finreg #716 on twitter).

We need to call as much as each of us can to stop government support and incentives for banks to become bigger and riskier – this is structural reform.

WHAT’S HAPPENING IN THE LAST LEG OF FINANCIAL REFORM? The financial reform bill is going into the final stage in the legislative process this week and bought-out members of Congress are trying to stealthily remove all the provisions in it that the big banks oppose. The financial reform bill would be a pure product of lobbying and big banking if it were not for the just a handful of “No Bailout Reforms” that are still in the bill as we speak. Can you join us in making sure that conferees don’t gut the strongest provisions in the financial reform bill behind closed doors?

No-Bailout Reform #1, is Section 716, “PROHIBITION AGAINST FEDERAL GOVERNMENT BAILOUTS OF SWAPS ENTITIES”. Currently, the Senate financial reform bill still has language in it that will stop the biggest, most dangerous banks from getting federal bailouts for their riskiest gambling. The provision that provides for this would require banks to spin off the derivatives activities into separate entities without access to discount Fed money and FDIC guarantees. It is structural reform. This is the main provision that our conference committee members are being asked to gut by the lobbyists. 716 literally says this in its own bill text. Without this language financial companies that turned themselves into banks for the purpose of receiving bailouts under the TARP will get to stay bailout recipients in perpetuity. Without this language, the 2008 crisis will lead to a permanent situation where the government continually subsidizes derivatives trades, which were at the heart of what caused the crisis. Here’s more from Bankster.

No-Bailout Reform #2, STRONG CAPITAL REQUIREMENTS FOR BIG AND SMALL BANKS: When banks make their bets, they’re supposed to put some money down. Over the years, the largest banks received exemptions to how much, and therefore their bets got riskier. This time around, Senators Collins and Representative Speier have introduced complementary amendments in the Senate and House to make sure that the money these banks put down for their bets is real capital and is enough to keep the big banks from taking risks they can’t pay for and need to be bailed out by taxpayers. For strong capital requirements, the best of the House and Senate version need to stay. Here’s more from Rortybomb.

No-Bailout Reform #3, A NEW CONSUMER PROTECTION AGENCY: A signature reform of the Obama Administration and TARP watchdog Elizabeth Warren, an independent consumer watchdog agency can stop financial corporations from abusing consumers. “Subprime mortgages. Abusive and arbitrary rate hikes on your credit card. Payday loans. If you’re wondering who lets banks get away with this crap, there are more people at it than you think. There are no less than four federal regulators responsible for overseeing consumer protection in finance, and all of them are terrible,” writes Zach Carter. The Senate bill would house the CFPA in the Fed and allow the Fed to veto their rules proposal. That’s unacceptable. We need an independent CFPA, via the House bill, with full rule-making authority. More from HuffPo.

BIG REFORM #4: First and foremost, we’re advocates of breaking up the big banks. We fought for the Brown-Kaufman amendment to cap the size of banks before they get too big to fail, but it didn’t pass with the Senate bill. Therefore, we agree with Dr. Simon Johnson that Rep. Kanjorski’s amendment to allow regulators to break up the banks is an important part of the finreg bill and are happy to push for it. To see more reforms, see our blog post from Stephanie and Ruth.

Supporters of these measures are Nobel Laureate Economist Joseph Stiglitz and Paul Krugman, renowned Economists Robert Reich, Jane D’Arista, Dean Baker, Simon Johnson, Jennifer Taub, David Moss, Michael Greenberger, financial writers and advocates, Rortybomb/Mike Konczal, Ilan Moscovitz of the Motley Fool, Zach Carter of CAF/Alternet, Public Citizen, CAF, David Dayen/FireDogLake, BanksterUSA, McJoan of Daily Kos. Join them!

Latest movements for the strongest reforms: Simon Johnson, Rortybomb, FireDogLake. CNBC says banks will lose on 716. Fed Chiefs support 716. NYTimes editorial.

AND NOW, WHO IS WATERING DOWN THE BILL? We have figured out who is trying to water down the bill thanks to the many people who have told us what they have heard in the comments of this post and what has been said in public.

Who of the 28+ are running the sleaziest deals (today the top 4 are Frank, Reed, Johnson, and Corker)?:

Big Bank Defenders (they would love to hear from you):
* Rep. Luis Gutierrez (D, IL) (202) 225-8203 here, here
* Rep. Spencer Bachus (R, AL) 202-225-4921 report, report
* Sen. Jack Reed (R, RI) (202) 224-4642 here, CFPA
* Rep. Dennis Moore, Chair (D, KS) 202-225-2865 blue dog, here
* Rep. Mel Watt (D, NC) 202-225-1510 bank cash, pro-CFPA, here
* Rep. Gary Peters (D-MI), (202) 225-5802 here, here
* Sen. Saxby Chambliss (R-GA) 202 224 3521 here

* Rep. Scott Garrett (R, NJ) 202-225-4465 C-SPAN, this
* Sen. Mike Crapo (R-ID) 202-224-6142 here
* Rep. Judy Biggert (R, IL) 202-225-3515 bad
* Rep. Gregory Meeks (D, NY) (202) 225-3461 bad, here
* Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R, TX) 202-225-3484 bad
* Rep. Edward Royce (R, CA) 202-225-4111 here, here
* Sen. Judd Gregg (R-NH) 202 224 3324 report, article
* Sen. Richard Shelby (R-AL) 202 224 5744 here, here
* Sen. Bob Corker (R-TN) 202 224 3344 here

Public Defenders (so far):

* Rep. Paul Kanjorski (D, PA) (202) 225-6511 here
* Sen. Blanche Lincoln (D, AR) (202) 224-4843 gutting, reverting, report
* Rep. Collin Peterson (D-MN) 202-225-2165 prefers House version, maybe
* Sen. Tom Harkin (D, IA) (202) 224-3254 here
* Sen. Patrick Leahy (D, VT) (202) 224-4242 here
* Sen. Tim Johnson (D-S.D.) 202-224-5842 pro-CFPA
* Rep. Maxine Waters (D, CA) (202) 225-2201 here, here

MYSTERIOUS (they need calls ahora)

* Sen. Chris Dodd (D, CT) (202) 224-2823 report, and report, report
* Sen. Charles Schumer (D-NY) 202 224 6542 report, most fin cash, here
* Rep. Mary Jo Kilroy (D, OH) 202-225-2015 neutral
* Rep. Shelley Capito (R, WV) 202-225-2711 (against)
* Rep. Carolyn Maloney (D, NY) (202) 225-7944 unclear, here
* Rep. Barney Frank (D, MA) (202) 225-5931 no, yes, yes, here, YES

We hope that you are helping to call, join us for the next day or call right now, and further target the few people we need to reach. Then, help us finish the job — we can’t wait to hear from you so we can update our list of sleaziest deals — tell us what you hear in the comments of this post. Thanks for making it happen!

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written by Stephanie Remington and Ruth Robertson, great ANWF organizers in California.

Today is the day of our call-in days — please call — as they start to hear from us, they have to move. We’ve got a few days to get good reform – the details matter.  The banks are spending a fortune lobbying congress to keep things the way they are, but the rest of us (on the receiving end of their catastrophic risk-taking and blatant fraud) outnumber them.  We can’t lose sight of the public interest because we can get what we want by forcing their hand. Lincoln, Dodd, and Congress aren’t going to come back and say, “hey, you really changed our positions, activism really matters!”, but their omissions should are remiss.

Of course the problem with financial reform in the first place is that we’re tackling the entire system at once, including the small details. So many amendments are about very specific, obscure financial operations, which many people just don’t find that interesting. The details have hurt our fight for strong structural reform — everything is presented as and in one sense is complicated, some people just completely tune it out. Well, there are clear, overarching, very general, extremely structural solutions to the key issues leading to the financial crisis.

We only care about structural reforms that address key problems of financial crises:

Read the rest of this post here.

1.   First and foremost, Section 716 which addresses the problem of derivatives is the strongest and currently most possible reform we can push for. It’s gone through many cycles, and our readers have successfully fought through them. The good news is — it is still in the bill. It is the most contentious provision and it will define how strong the Democrats are on the big banks.

No other provision will accomplish what 716 does in terms of removing the subsidy enjoyed by a handful of institutions. Section 716 is the best chance for ending the ongoing threat to the taxpayer in the the current business of derivatives. At the heart of 716 is the structure it provides making a clear separation between the business of banking and that of marketing and trading derivatives. It provides a structure that protects the core financial functions of banks without extending those protections to cover highly risky derivatives transactions.
Section 716 will contribute to shrinking the size of individual institutions’ positions and the market itself by requiring that dealing and trading derivatives move to separately capitalized affiliates that do not have access to Fed lending facilities or FDIC guarantees. The huge capital reserves of institutions that dominate the U.S. market will no longer be available to support their outsized positions. The capital of derivatives affiliates, even if within the same holding company, will have to be much smaller, creating opportunities for non-bank firms to enter the market. Section 716 eliminates the risk the largest banks incur through marketing and trading OTC derivatives. It will help reduce the risk to the system as a whole by encouraging an expansion in the number of dealers in derivatives.
Blanche Lincoln (D-AR) is behind 716 and she won her Democratic primary on the strength of committing to tough new rules on Wall Street. Unfortunately, 716 suffered a couple of casualties that will be fatal to reform if left untreated. But, Sen. Maria Cantwell’s (D-WA) amendment (4086) addresses the loophole.

Lincoln wrote the whole of the derivatives section, including the “safe” proposals — she specified the means to end the biggest source of trouble with derivatives – that “the entire market operates in secret.”  She required “central clearing,” a means of shining light on and watching over trades. This provision was undercut by language added by Democrats (Section 739, paragraphs A and B).  This section would codify into law the now common practice of refusing to prosecute certain criminals for their demonstrably illegal activity. Section 739, paragraphs A and B, must be removed or voided by including Maria Cantwell’s amendment 4086 – it must be added for Lincoln’s section to work.

The Obama administration (notably, Treasury and Larry Summers), Senate Banking Chair Chris Dodd, and House Financial Services Chair Barney Frank propose a “substitute” (Merkley and Levin’s strengthened version of the Volcker rule). M-L must be in addition to, not instead of, Lincoln’s section.  There’s no overlap between them; neither can substitute for the other.  Mary Bottari of Bankster USA outlines five unique features of Lincoln’s section here.

2.  The Volcker Rule: Zach Carter, Fellow at Campaign for America’s Future, reports that “The best version of President Obama’s signature Wall Street reform was an amendment written by Sens. Jeff Merkley, D-Ore., and Carl Levin, D-Mich. It was never voted on in the Senate and the House bill contains no version of any ban on proprietary trading by commercial banks. The Senate bill does include a weak version of the Volcker Rule that bank-friendly regulators can easily defang if they choose.”  We need to push for inclusion of Merkley-Levin (SA 3931) in the conference and for negotiations that lead to a concrete ban on gambling with taxpayer money.

3. It is also important that we NOT forget about the Kanjorski amendment. While this amendment, introduced by Congressman Paul E. Kanjorski (D-PA), does not impose a hard size cap on banks, it proposes a number of potential objective criteria that could be used to determine when banks need to be broken up, including the “scope, scale, exposure, leverage, interconnectedness of financial activities, as well as size of the financial company.” It would greatly strengthen the hand of regulators and reinforce their power to break up those banks.  As the amendment is written, a great deal of discretion would remain with the regulators, so it is much weaker than what is really needed. However, the Kanjorski amendment serves as a public reminder that “bailouts are bad” and it also increases the likelihood that management and directors would be replaced in a failing large bank.

4.   An independent Consumer Financial Protection Agency: Dodd gutted an original version, but it can be restored.  In its current form it wouldn’t actually protect consumers because, among other problems, it would be housed within the Fed which has yet to use its substantial, already-existing authority to protect consumers. As such it is the staying tuned to tip their hand.
Here’s a great video clip of an interview with Elizabeth Warren, Chair of the Congressional Oversight Panel created to oversee TARP bailout funds. Zach Carter reports that currently, “the House version of this agency is generally stronger than the Senate version, with more independence and broader authority. But the House version also exempts auto dealers from CFPA oversight which the Senate version does not.”

5.   Capital and leverage: From Zach Carter: “Thanks to Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, the Senate bill contains the strongest language to toughen capital requirements at big banks, forcing them to have more money on hand to cushion against losses. There is no corresponding language in the House bill, but the House legislation does contain a related provision capping bank leverage–the amount of borrowed money banks can use to place bets in the capital markets casinos. How these good amendments fare in the
conference committee will significantly impact how the financial system functions over the next decade.”  More from Rortybomb.

6.   Fed Audit: Congressman Ron Paul has been called the key battler against central banking and against the Federal Reserve and is the author of the book, End the Fed. His supporters say he has worked tirelessly to bring accountability to what they call “the secretive bank”.   The Congressman, who says he has worked to bring transparency to the Federal Reserve Bank for the past 30 years, introduced a bill to audit the Federal Reserve, but that bill did not make it into the Senate version of the Financial Reform Bill.  Sen. David Vitter (R-LA) later reintroduced an amendment  with the original Audit the Fed language, but the Senate rejected that amendment on May 11, 2010 by a 37-62 vote.

7.   Rating agencies: From Zach Carter: “Sen. Al Franken pushed through an amendment that substantively changes the corrupt business model at rating agencies. Right now, rating agencies do not get paid by the investors who use their ratings, but by the very banks who are issuing those securities. Franken would end this system, having regulators select which rating agencies rate which securities, rather than the banks who issue the securities. The House bill largely leaves the rating agency business model unchanged.”

8.   Swipe fees: From Zach Carter: “When you buy something at a store with a credit or debit card, Visa and Mastercard charge the store a fee. The store, in turn, charges you more for its products, making everything everybody buys more expensive. Sen. Dick Durbin, D-Ill., pushed through language cracking down on debit card fees, but there is no language addressing swipe fees of any kind in the House.”

9. Too big to fail: Sherrod Brown and Ted Kaufman introduced an outstanding bill that would have ended TBTF.  It did not pass the Senate, but is crucial to success of financial reform.

Some of the main obstacles to achieving true reform are people in the Obama Administration, as well as bankers spending big money on Congress members to get their support.  Along with our demands for specific language in the bill, we need to be pushing for the removal of Summers and Geithner and the appointment of a new Fed Chairman, which would effectively – and necessarily – get rid of Bernanke.  These people, among a larger group of insiders and captive regulators, must be replaced with people with successful track records, who believe in true reform, and who will push for it instead of blocking it at every turn.

We have, in Joseph Stiglitz, Robert Reich, and Simon Johnson, three people whose expertise and commitment to reform make them ideal candidates to replace Summers and Geithner and move our nation toward a healthy economy–an economy that will never again be at the mercy of the big banks. For a new Fed Chairman Joseph Stiglitz, for Secretary of the Treasury Robert Reich, and for Obama’s Economic Advisor, Simon Johnson would make a true Dream Team.

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The Brown-Kaufman SAFE Banking amendment (S.3241) has become the single most important amendment to the financial reform bill to end bailouts. It is the most transformative bill because it addresses the problem that too big to fail banks are too big to regulate properly and are able to capture votes in Congress like nobody’s business. (UPDATE: Our data crunching shows that Senators who are currently opposed to breaking up the banks receive twice as much in campaign contributions from the finance sector than those who are for “SAFE Banking.”)

It is going to be voted on by the Senate soon, possibly by the end of this week. We’re making tons of progress — MoveOn is on board, New York Times is supporting it, the Senate’s #2 Democrat, Dick Durbin, is supportive — and we have a real chance here to limit the size of the biggest banks so they don’t distort our politics and put out economy at risk any longer.

But here’s the problem. We don’t know where to focus our our calls to Congress to secure the last few votes we need to get the amendment passed. We’re totally outgunned here by the moneyed special interests that oppose fixing too big to fail, but we have the momentum and we are closer than ever to pulling it off.

Here’s what we need to do.

  1. Go to this link and enter your zip code to get the phone numbers for your two senators.
  2. Make a quick call to each asking if they support the Brown-Kaufman SAFE Banking Act. Tell them they should.
  3. If they don’t give you a straight answer, do a quick Google search (for example: “too big to fail” John Kerry) and see if you can find any public statements indicating where they stand on the issue.
  4. Record your findings in the comments section of this blog post and we’ll update a running tally of what we know about where each senators stands.

We need at least one person from each state to do this. This is the single most important thing you can do right now to help the effort to break up the big banks. If you know anyone in another state who supports breaking up the banks please email this blog post to them so they can help out too. Thank You!! (UPDATE: We helped deliver 50,000 of the petitions for breaking up the banks featured in this picture and article and now Reid is a leaning yes!)

Supportive

Ted Kaufamn [D, DE]
Sherrod Brown [D, OH]
Bob Casey [D, PA] and this
Tom Harkin [D, IA]
Jeff Merkley [D, OR]
Bernie Sanders [I, VT]
Sheldon Whitehouse [D, RI]
Dick Durbin [D, IL]
Roland Burris [D, IL]
Byron Dorgan [D, ND]
Al Franken [D, MN]
Russ Feingold [D, WI] and this
Harry Reid [D, NV]
Jim Webb [D, VA]
Mark Pryor [D, AR]
Chuck Schumer [D, NY]
John Kerry [D, MA]

Lean “Yes”

Pat Leahy [D, VT]
Patty Murray [D, WA] (and this) and this
Ben Cardin [D, MD]
Jim Bunning [R, KY]
Ron Wyden [D, OR]
Debbie Stabenow [D, MI] and this
Robert Byrd [D, WV]
Barbara Mikulski [D, MD] and this and this
Robert Menendez [D, NJ] and this
Tom Coburn [R, OK]
Maria Cantwell [D, WA] and this and this

Undecided

John Kerry [D, MA] and this
Scott Brown [R, MA]
Jack Reed [D, RI]
Barbara Boxer [D, CA] and this
Dianne Feinstein [D, CA] and this
Lindsey Graham [R, SC]
John Cornyn [R, TX] (also this) and this
Jack Reed [D, RI]
Richard Chambliss [R, GA]
Tom Udall [D, NM]
Jeff Bingaman [D, NM]
Carl Levin [D, MI] and this
Frank Lautenberg [D, NJ]
Johnny Isakson [R, GA]
Daniel Akaka [D, HI] and this
Daniel Inouye [D, HI] and this
Jon Tester [D, MT]
Max Baucus [D, MT]
Patty Murray [D, WA]
Benjamin Cardin [D, MD]
Joseph Lieberman [I, CT]
Chris Dodd [D, CT]
George Voinovich [R, OH]
Roger Wicker [R, MS]
Kay Hutchison [R, TX]
Susan Collins [R, ME]
Olympia Snowe [R, ME]
Herbert Kohl [D, WI]
Kirsten Gillibrand [D, NY]
Blanche Lincoln [D, AR]

Opposed

Kent Conrad [D, ND]
Bill Nelson [D, FL]
Mark Begich [D, AK]
Mark Warner [D, VA]
Judd Gregg [R, NH]
Chuck Grassley [R, IA]
Mike Enzi [R, WY]
Jeff Sessions [R, AL]
Mike Crapo [R, ID]
John Ensign [R, NV]
Lamar Alexander [R, TN]
Thad Cochran [R, MS]

 

Why can’t we have accountability to the public, especially when we’re talking 2 trillion dollars outstanding from the Federal Reserve? Auditing the Fed should be about stopping big power tricks. But, why? Yesterday, Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke said that the Fed created $1.3 trillion out of thin air — he did.

Here’s something I’ve been itching to write about and it requires more time and space, but why should the Fed be democratized, de-powered in its current state, and more accountable to the public? Why should we expect that the $1.3 trillion thin paper be ensured for the public’s interest rather than the big banks? Well, that’s part of the answer there – no government should be favoring one set of elites over the equal treatment of all parts of the industry (the small banks and medium-banks), even if the elites create many jobs because the non-elites can create those jobs too and actually do, but the basic principle is strong — everyone needs a chance to be able to create jobs.

We as country believe in equal treatment and equal opportunity — we should not have erected an institution that picks winners and losers, instead the Fed should have been erected as it originally was intended by the farmers in the 1890′s, in the interest of creating an institution that would create equal opportunity in the marketplace to replace the big banks holding all the gold then.  Instead, in 1913 the big banks erected the populist’s idea but for their own sake, this is now what we call the Fed. Equal opportunity is supposed to be what a free market is intended to create, but it doesn’t when the Fed is picking winners and losers and when big is favored over small and especially when big begets bigger and the Fed picks them even more and sets up a discount window for them too and there is a legislated bailout plan for them when they fail.

USAWatchdog reports, “Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke admitted the central bank created $1.3 trillion out of thin air to buy mortgage backed securities.  This shocking admission came from the Joint Economic Committee hearing on Capital Hill last week.”‘ You can help audit the Fed here.

So, why shouldn’t an institution that has the power of government behind it be democratized, and if not de-powered. Dean’s great on this, too, but on a purer note about independence, etc.

So, as there is a push for auditing the Fed, what is the real goal that we want from the audit? Why are we asking you to support no new powers for the Fed here? Why are we following Dean Baker on democratizing the Fed? Is it just so that the Fed can’t inflate away debt? I think there is an end-goal that anyone who cares about uhh.. about your own mother and father and your friends and people on the street around you over a few can agree on. The issue is not debt or money in actuality. Money is interesting but focus on it doesn’t get at the root of the issue, it’s power plays.

It’s about power because power gets all the money and then is able to manipulate the way whatever system works. So, to state explicitly, I don’t believe that those with the most money have the right to determine the way our politics or society works. I don’t, society woudn’t work and many know that society is not working — 300,000 + in foreclosure every month. But big powers will game any system, and have gamed gold, so make it so the system isn’t prone to being gamed.

Money is complicated. There are activist campaigns for a new Monetary Act. Money is complicated.  I can see it going somewhere.

All of money essentially comes out of thin air and evaporates that way too, or rather money is complicated.
To reform money you can’t think about money per se, but about the power to create money and to inflate/deflate it.
So, if we make the Fed elected regionally or democratically elected, accountable to the public’s interest, and if transparency can lead to that accountability, we will have a Fed that is subject to political pressure and must show us that they are not picking winners and losers themselves.
Different groups throughout time rail against this monetary system and that one — we must instead end the big bankers’ piggy bank of whatever form is has taken and is in now, especially those funded by taxpayers. The system we have is irrelevant, rather we must set up the system to be democratic. Yes?
We can make auditing the Fed an accountability measure, one step closer to making whatever system of money we have democratically accountable. We must accept that people will start moving to the top in any system, then those on top are going to game whatever it is we have. Thus, we need to make the system that we have resistant to being gamed.
I think economist, Nassim Taleb may well agree — he’s a top-notch dude, as far as I can tell.
 

Well, at least the commission seems to fit the calling. They lost many golden opportunities to deeply understand the problems of the financial crisis. Don’t despair, it took a few iterations last time around during the Great Depression to finally find Ferdinand Pecora, who then brought justice into view. Also, blame Pelosi and the Democratic Party for not getting serious about an investigation and choosing an inept leader like Angelides — the entire country came to its knees.  Mary Bottari writes today,

After that self-serving drivel, no wonder the God’s zapped the electrical system. There was a lot Greenspan could have done to rein in the housing bubble, not the least of which was simply telling people there was a bubble as housing prices began following an unprecedented and unsustainable path.

But electrical snafus are just the beginning of the FCIC’s problems. The FCIC is a 10-person panel assembled to report on the meltdown to President Obama later this year. The New York Times reported last week what was becoming increasingly obvious, the commission was in shambles. The commission waited eight months before having its first hearing. A top investigator resigned due to delays in hiring staff, no subpoenas have been issued and partisan infighting means few new documents have been released that would aid reporters in piecing together the crime scene even if FCIC investigators are not up to the task. Worse, it seems like the majority of staff have been borrowed from the complicit Federal Reserve.

These problems were on full display in last week’s hearings. The three days of hearings were marked by some heat, but little light. On day one, the commission let Greenspan blather on about how these types of crises were unpredictable. While Chairman Angelides tried to ask some common sense questions, Greenspan is a slippery eel and he slithered out of the room unscathed. An Elliot Spitzer with vast financial services knowledge and prosecutorial experience would have done better with Greenspan.

On day two, Charlie Prinz, former CEO of Citigroup, took center stage apologizing for his transgressions, but telling the FCIC that like a good captain he went down with his ship (by not selling his Citi stock). How the FCIC managed to make a hero out of the man who ran Citi into the ground is beyond me.

On day three, Fannie Mae execs took the stand. They were appropriately grilled about their inappropriate lobbying, but as economist Dean Baker points out, were not asked the key question: As housing experts why did you not warn of the housing bubble and take actions to dampen it? Baker was one economist who was loudly warning of the housing bubble as early as 2004. But the Fannie Mae execs successfully peddled the narrative that the institution was engulfed in catastrophic and unforeseeable decline in home values.

But the saddest lost opportunity of the week was in the questioning of Robert Rubin. Former Goldman Sachs executive, Clinton Treasury Secretary, and Citi board member, Rubin bears tremendous responsibility for creating the disaster by pursuing an extreme deregulatory agenda in the 1990s and then standing by idly as the consequences of that agenda unfolded. Rubin should have been pressed by multiple commissioners on the following: Do you regret pushing for the repeal of Glass-Steagall that helped create too big to fail firms and allowed Wall Street gambling to spread to Main Street banks? Do you regret deregulating derivatives and setting these “weapons of mass economic destruction” lose upon the world? Do you regret pushing through deregulatory trade agreements that spread our financial services model and risky financial products around the globe?

Inexplicably, Rubin was not even asked about the prior day’s testimony by Richard Bowen, Citigroup’s former chief of underwriting, who directly accused Rubin and other bank executives of violating their own risk management policies and ignoring warnings as early as 2006 that about 60 percent of mortgages were worthless. A full accounting of Rubin’s role in these events is critical given the strong role he still plays as a behind-the-scenes White House advisor.

Read the whole thing at PRWatch.org

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The Securities and Exchange Commission started because of the Great Depression and failed to prevent the Great Recession (2008-present). They’re supposed to watch over the secondary trading that happens on Wall Street, called securities. They failed to do anything about the accounting fraud at Lehman Brothers, revealed last week. Now, it seems that it may be porn that’s part of the problem.

SEC’s Porn Problem Was Rampant, According To Reports:

Gawker got a hold of documents that detail 16 investigations into employees and contractors who viewed porn a stunning 8,273 times. Amongthe revelations are names of illicit websites accessed at work. According to Gawker’s John Cook, the documents include reports from “one man who said his daily porn viewing at work was limited to ‘no longer than an hour and a half a day.; The man told investigators that his porn habit grew out of looking at photos of men in bathing suits, which is sometimes known as ‘gateway porn.’”

Last week, SEC was in the news because Lehman Brothers got away with some major accounting fraud when they cooked their books for about a year or so before filing for bankruptcy. SEC did nothing:

In the wake of a 2,200-page report on how “misleading” accounting techniques led to Lehman Brothers’ collapse, Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) Chairman Mary Schapiro would not comment on whether an investigation would commence, but acknowledged that the agency’s oversight of Lehman was “terribly flawed in design and execution.”

“It was inadequately staffed almost from the very beginning. It was a bit insular and stove-piped,” she said.

They failed to do anything to stop Madoff or uncover Madoff:

Christopher Cox, the former chairman of the SEC, has recognized the organization’s own multiple failures in relation to the Bernard Madoff fraud.[18] Starting with an investigation in 1992 into a Madoff feeder fund which only invested with Madoff, and which, according to the SEC, promised “curiously steady” returns, the SEC did not investigate indications that something was amiss in Madoff’s investment firm.[19] The SEC has therefore been accused of missing numerous red flags and ignoring tips on Madoff’s alleged fraud.[20] As a result, Cox has said that an investigation will ensue into “all staff contact and relationships with the Madoff family and firm, and their impact, if any, on decisions by staff regarding the firm.”[21] Approximately 45 per cent of institutional investors felt that better oversight by the SEC could have prevented the Madoff fraud.[22] Financial analyst and whistleblower Harry Markopolos complained to the SEC’s Boston office in May 1999, telling the SEC staff they should investigate Madoff because it was impossible to legally make the profits Madoff claimed using the investment strategies that he claimed to use.

So, porn and Madoff and Lehman, 1.5 hours for porn, 0 hours for Madoff, 0 hours for Lehman. What else?

According to Seeking Alpha, here are the top 5 failings of the SEC under Commission Chairman Chris Cox. Here they admit their problems in the NYTimes:

1. Failure to enforce disclosure laws and regulations.

2. Failure to enforce accounting standards.

3. Failure to supervise the rating agencies.

4. Failure to investigate and prevent market manipulation, i.e., naked short selling.

5. Failure to protect small investors.

If you watch Mary Shapiro, the new commission chair, in front of the Financial Crisis Inquiry you almost believe that they didn’t help the crisis happen and did their utmost to do their job of making sure there is no corporate malfeasance. But, it’s pretty obvious they acted like lame ducks when we weren’t around to start watching them.

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I couldn’t agree more with this editorial from the NYTimes about what needs to get done to put families and small and medium-sized businesses at the seat of economic power and political power over the big banks.

From what we hear, Mr. Dodd had just as hard a time with some of the Democrats on his committee.

What Mr. Dodd needs to do is to introduce the toughest and smartest legislation he can to revamp the financial system and protect American consumers. And he and President Obama need to twist the arms of Democratic committee members to bring the strongest possible bill to the Senate floor.

Their rallying cry couldn’t be any clearer: Whose side are you on? The banks or the American people?

The American people need a bill that strictly regulates all derivatives — the complex, and often speculative instruments that caused so much trouble here and abroad. It must establish a mechanism for downsizing too-big-to-fail banks, and create a credible procedure by which the government can seize and dismantle financial firms that pose a threat to the system. It must instruct regulators to impose safeguards, like higher capital requirements and limits on borrowing, to curtail risk-taking before it runs amok.

And any legislation worth its salt must have at its core a strong Consumer Financial Protection Agency. That agency needs to be an independent body, with broad power to police the financial system for unfair, abusive and otherwise unsound lending in mortgages, credit cards, auto loans and other forms of debt.

Lenders adamantly oppose a new agency, in part because their dodgiest offerings — like subprime mortgages of yesteryear or short-term “payday loans” — are often their most profitable.

So, we also have a layout here of what Dodd’s new bill contains. It makes some steps towards reform, but for the most part you don’t walk away feeling like the economy won’t collapse again and most of the capital in this country won’t be tied up in financial transactions and big banker pockets. Here is a point-by-point dissent/assent run down.

NYTimes lays out the bill, commentary in between:

Among the most recent provisions in the bill to emerge, according to people who have been briefed on the draft, is one that would curb Wall Street’s influence over theFederal Reserve Bank of New York. Its president would be appointed by the president of the United States, not by a board that includes representatives of member banks.

One step closer to being able to democratize, and hold accountable the regulatory system. That’s great. Of course, it’s a small step.

Another rule would ban bank officers from sitting on the New York Fed’s board, meaning that Jamie Dimon, chief executive of JPMorgan Chase, would probably have to leave the board.

Very important to turning oversight measures into ones that are enforced and serve the interest of the country rather than a few bankers.

The legislation would create a consumer protection agency within the Federal Reserve to write rules governing mortgages, credit cards and other financial products, said the people, who insisted on anonymity because the details were still in flux.

Apparently, the mission of this nested CFPA is pretty solid on consumer protection, but the Fed is not democratized or accountable or have done their job. Bad idea.

In a concession to liberals, states’ attorneys general could sue violators of those rules, and the agency would have enforcement powers over large banks, mortgage originators and servicers, and other large lenders.

I learned at the Fordham University “Breaking up the Banks: New Ideas for Limiting Bank Size” conference on Friday, that this is a very good option for watching over the banks. State AG’s, according to Zephyr Teachout, are often political and beholden to the public and often enforce rules when they are overstepped, especially by big corporations.

But in a nod to Republicans, the bill would allow a council of regulators, led by theTreasury, to overturn proposed consumer rules by a two-thirds vote. And although the consumer protection agency would have a director appointed by the president, it would be housed within the Fed, an anathema for consumer advocates.

A council is fine if they are independent and meeting regularly and actually play a role.

The bill would also reshape the regulatory role of the Fed. It would be entrusted for the first time with oversight of all of the largest and most interconnected financial companies, even if they are not banks. And it would continue to oversee the largest bank holding companies, those with $50 billion or more in assets — about 35 companies, includingBank of America, JPMorgan Chase, CitigroupGoldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley.

The Fed is rightfully criticized for failing to protect American consumers, but Dodd is not addressing this concern. Bad.

But even as the details were being hammered out Sunday evening, questions remained: can Democrats tap into the vein of populist anger over the excesses of Wall Street and shepherd the bill through, 18 months after the near-collapse of the banking system almost wrecked the economy? And can they avoid getting caught up in the partisan struggle that has held back health-care reform?

We need to organize ourselves on this issue. Only if the public calls for the smart, rigorous solutions are we going to get anything serious out of Congress.

The bill would also reform the sprawling market for over-the-counter derivatives, making derivatives transactions more transparent. But many companies that use derivatives to hedge, or manage, commercial risk would be exempt, a source of consternation for reformers.

It’s not clear that there will be any suffcient amount of transparency. Those proposed to be exempt should not be. We need to reveal the shadow banking market for what it is and make them accountable because we see that they were able to take down the country.

The bill would allow regulators, after a study, to implement elements of a proposalPresident Obama put forward in January. Named for Paul A. Volcker, the former Federal Reserve chairman, it would prohibit deposit-taking banks from investing in or owning hedge funds or private equity funds, and from making trades unrelated to their clients’ interest, a practice known as proprietary trading.

This seems like a political concession to people like us, but it’s likely to not be used often. That’s what non-reformers expect. Bad.

The bill contains no real solution to too-big-to-fail, no real enforcement guarantees, the bad guys are off the hook, the financial system will continue to be as big and dangerous and full of risk taxpayers will likely own. Dodd made a few good steps forward and major steps backwards.

In sum, Elinor Ostrom, first woman Nobel Laureate of political science said, “I did my Ph.D. research years ago. I’m not against government. I’m just against the idea that it’s got to be some bureaucracy that figures everything out for people.” We need to stop the big banks and securities markets from doing whatever they please to make exorbitant amounts of money and steal from our public treasures, we don’t need a big bureacracy to do it. We need smart, transformative proposals that get at the meat of it. It needs to be a partnership between government and the public to hold the banks accountable to society, which means cutting out the waste and the covers and doing the job of making markets be fair.
 

Corker is part of the problem

Corker is the problem in getting a bill out of the Banking Committee. We’re non-partisan here at AWNF, but so far Republicans have shown no real interest in bank reform. I guess they love socializing the risk of failing corporations after all.

Obstructionists instead of real proposals in Senate. Donny Shaw, Zephyr Teachout, Franz Hartl and I are at the first ever Break up the Banks conference and the first ever Too-big-to-fail conference. People in this conference have more ideas. Follow our tweets or facebook for updates.

One of the two main Republican negotiators Dodd had been working with in recent weeks had a different take, however. Bob Corker, R-Tenn., blamed the breakdown on pressure to get a bill through the committee before the Senate starts a final push for health care overhaul legislation.

“There’s no question that White House politics and health care have kept us from getting to the goal line,” Corker said.

The two sides were close to finalizing a deal on Wednesday, Corker maintained.

“Yesterday was one of the more bizarre days that I’ve experienced in the Senate. I began the day feeling like we were on the five yard line as far as finishing something that we began on Feb. 10. Never did I realize that health care would affect financial regulation,” he said.

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